On Monday, the leaders of nine European countries and Ukraine gathered in Paris and announced a joint programme to develop Europe’s own Integrated Anti-Ballistic Missile Coalition.
In a declaration, they promised an integrated missile defence architecture, built through collective effort and shared industrial capacity.
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The framing is careful – “purely defensive” – but the context is unmistakable: Russia’s ballistic missile campaign against Ukraine has exposed how thin Europe’s defences are, how scarce and expensive US-made interceptors have become, and how dependent the continent remains on Washington’s goodwill.
Here’s what the new coalition is actually planning and how it plans to do it.
Who’s in the coalition — and who isn’t?
The announcement came on the sidelines of a summit of the “Coalition of the Willing” – a much larger grouping of 35 nations, led by the UK and France, that has coordinated military support for Ukraine since March 2025 and is planning security guarantees for any eventual peace deal.
About 25 heads of state and government attended the Paris meeting, which also covered further arms deliveries, sanctions pressure on Russia, and support for Ukraine’s energy sector before winter.
The 10 founding members who signed up to the ballistic missile shield plan are: Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, the UK and Ukraine – a mix of Europe’s biggest defence industries and, in Ukraine, the only country on the continent with real combat experience against ballistic missile attacks.
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The absences are notable; Poland, the Baltic states and Finland – the countries closest to Russia – are not among the signatories, and neither is the US.
Why does Europe need its own missile shield?
The declaration itself points to the growing threat posed by ballistic missiles – the weapons Russia has launched in volume against Ukrainian cities, and which only a handful of expensive, mostly US-made systems can intercept.
“We believe that the protection of Europe requires a global solution of integrated missile defence architecture to deter and defeat future missile threats, developed through collective effort, technological openness and trusted industrial cooperation,” the leaders of the Integrated Anti-Ballistic Missile Coalition said in a statement.
“Faced with the ballistic threat, we are making a clear choice: protect Ukraine, strengthen our collective security, and build the Europe of defence,” French President Emmanuel Macron wrote on X, adding that with the programme “we are strengthening the capabilities Europe needs”.
Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, was blunter about the shortfall, acknowledging that at times Kyiv lacks the missiles needed to intercept ballistic targets. This, he said, was the reason Ukraine had joined the programme.
Does Europe already have missile defence?
Yes, but it’s patchy, expensive and largely foreign-made.
Several countries field the US-built Patriot, the workhorse against ballistic missiles, but its interceptors cost millions of dollars apiece and production cannot keep pace with global demand.
The Franco-Italian SAMP/T is Europe’s homegrown alternative, though it has seen more limited combat use and its missiles have also run short in Ukraine.
Since 2022, there has also been the German-led European Sky Shield Initiative, which pools procurement of existing systems – but its reliance on American Patriots and Israeli Arrow 3s drew criticism from France, which stayed out.
“This is not a replacement for existing systems… nor is it a substitute for the European Sky Shield initiative, which operates through coordinated procurement and integration into NATO-compatible systems”, Olesia Horiainova, deputy head of the Kyiv-based think tank Ukrainian Security and Cooperation Centre, told Al Jazeera.
“It can be described as the formation of a new European air defence architecture, in which Ukraine currently plays a significant role, outside the scope of NATO and the EU”, she said.

What role does Ukraine play?
A central one.
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“Ukraine has unique experience in countering ballistic and missile weapons,” Horiainova said, pointing out that even the US, the world’s biggest superpower, does not have “the same experience as Ukraine of constantly countering massive barrages of high-tech ballistic weapons whilst facing an enemy with superior firepower.”
That know-how – what works against Russia’s Iskander and Kinzhal missiles, and what does not – is something no other partner can offer.
Ukraine also brings industry. Zelenskyy has promoted its domestically developed Freyja interceptor programme as a potential “European model”, and Washington has separately pledged to license Ukraine to manufacture Patriot interceptors.
Ukrainian-made interceptors could cost a fraction of the price of a Patriot missile, according to their developer, Fire Point – a key part of the coalition’s economic logic, though the system has yet to prove itself in combat.
What happens next – and how long will it take?
The declaration commits the 10 countries to agreeing on common operational requirements, joint technical working groups, and a roadmap towards first operational capabilities – but gives no timeframe, according to The Associated Press.
Zelenskyy was more bullish. He told leaders in Paris that Ukraine and its partners could jointly develop a mass-produced, low-cost anti-ballistic system within the next 12 months, built around Ukraine’s Freyja programme. “We need to move as quickly as possible,” he wrote on X after the meeting.
But Horiainova said that Europe’s ability to deploy the interception system soon would depend on decision-making speed and the EU’s bureaucracy.
Sceptics also note that even funded programmes take years: Germany ordered Israel’s Arrow 3 in 2023, activated its first battery in December 2025, and does not expect the full system to be operational before 2030.
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